"He said, some general councils had been rejected by others, and it was a tender point how much ought to be deferred to a council; some decrees of councils were not at all obeyed. The divines of Paris held, that a council could not make a new article of faith that was not in the Scriptures. And as all God's promises to the people of Israel, had this condition implied within them, 'If they kept his commandments; so he thought the promises to the Christian church had this condition in them, If they kept the faith.' Therefore he had much doubting in himself as to general councils, and he thought that only the word of God was the rule of faith, which ought to take place in all controversies of religion. The Scriptures were called canonical, as being the only rules of the faith of Christians; and these, by appointment of the ancient councils, were only to be read in the churches. The fathers, SS. Ambrose, Jerome, and Austin, did in many things differ from one another, but always appealed to the Scriptures as the common and certain standard. And he cited some remarkable passage out of St. Austin, to shew what difference he put between the Scriptures and all the other writings even of the best and holiest fathers. But when all the fathers agreed in the exposition of any place of Scripture, he acknowledged he looked on that as flowing from the Spirit of God, and it was a most dangerous thing to be wise in our own conceit: therefore he thought councils ought to found their decisions on the word of God, and those expositions of it that had been agreed on by the doctors of the church. "Then he discoursed very largely what a person a judge ought to be; he must not be partial, nor a judge in his own cause, nor so much as sit on the bench when it is tried, lest his presence should overawe others. Things also done upon a common error cannot bind, when the error upon which they were done comes to be discovered; and all human laws ought to be changed, when a public visible inconvenience follows them. From which he concluded, that the Pope, being a party, and having already passed his sentence in things which ought to be examined by a general council, could not be a judge, nor sit in it. Princes, also, who upon a common mistake, thinking the Pope head of the church, had sworn to him, finding that this was done upon a false ground, may pull their neck out of his yoke, as every man may make his escape out of the hands of a robber. And the court of Rome was so corrupt that a pope, though he meant well as Hadrian did, yet could never bring any good design to an issue; the cardinals and the rest of that court being so engaged to maintain their corruptions." These were the heads of that discourse, which it seems he gave them in writing after he had delivered it; but he promised to entertain them with another discourse of the power the bishops of the christian church have in their sees, and of the power of a christian prince to make them do their duty; but that I could never see, and I am afraid it is lost. All this I thought necessary to open, to shew the state of the court, and the principles that the several parties in it went upon, when the Reformation was first brought under consideration, in the third period of this King's reign, to which I am now advanced. PART I.-BOOK III. OF THE OTHER TRANSACTIONS ABOUT RELIGION AND RE- 1535. The rest of trouble THE HE KING having passed through the traverses and tossings of his suit of divorce, and having, with the concurrence both of his clergy and parlia- reign growa ment, brought about what he had projected, seemed some. now at ease in his own dominions. But though matters were carried in public assemblies smoothly and successfully, yet there were many secret discontents, which, being fomented both by the Pope and the Emperor's agents, wrought him great trouble; so By the practices of the monks and friars. that the rest of his life was full of vexation and disquiet. All that were zealously addicted to that which they called the old religion, did conclude, that whatever firmness the King expressed to it now was either pretended out of policy, for avoiding the inconveniences which the fears of a change might produce. or, though he really intended to perform what he professed, yet the interests in which he must embark with the Princes of Germany against the Pope and the Emperor, together with the power that the Queen had over him, and the credit Cranmer and Cromwell had with him, would prevail on him to change some things in religion. And they looked on these things as so complicated together, that the change of any one must needs make way for change in more; since that struck at the authority of the church, and left people at liberty to dispute the articles of faith. This they thought was a gate opened to heresy. And therefore they were every where meeting together, and consulting what should be done for suppressing heresy, and preserving the Catholic faith. That zeal was much inflamed by the monks and friars, who clearly saw the acts of parliament were so levelled at their exemptions and immunities, that they were now like to be at the King's mercy. They were no more to plead their bulls, nor claim any privileges, further than it pleased the King to allow them. No new saints from Rome could draw more riches or honour to their orders. Privileges and indulgences were out of doors; so that the arts of drawing in the people, to enrich their churches and houses, were at an end. And they had also secret intimations, that the King and the courtiers, had an eye on their lands, and they gave themselves for lost, if they could not so embroil the King's affairs, that he should not adventure on so invidious a thing: therefore, both in confessions and conferences, they infused into the people a dislike of the King's proceedings; which, though for some time it did not break out into open rebellion, yet the humour still fermented, and people only waited for an opportunity so that, if the Emperor had not been otherwise distracted, he might have made war upon the King, with great advantages: for many of his discontented subjects would have joined with the enemy. But the King did so dexterously manage his leagues with the French King, and the princes of the empire, that the Emperor could never make any impressions on his dominions. provoked to great severities. But those factious spirits, seeing nothing was to be Which expected from any foreign power, could not contain the King themselves, but broke out into open rebellion. And t this provoked the King to great severities: his spirit was so fretted, by the tricks the court of Rome had put on him, and by the ingratitude and seditious practices of Reginald Pool, that he thereby lost much of his former temper and patience, and was too ready upon slight grounds to bring his subjects to the bar. Where, though the matter was always so ordered that, according to law, they were indicted and judged: yet the severity of the law bordering sometimes on rigour and cruelty, he came to be called a cruel tyrant. Nor did his severity lie only on one side, but being addicted to some tenets of the old religion, and impatient of contradiction; or perhaps blown up, either with the vanity of his new title, of Head of the Church, or with the praises which flatterers bestowed on him; he thought all persons were bound to regulate their belief by his dictates, which made him prosecute Protestants as well as Papists. Yet it does not appear that cruelty was natural to him. For in twenty-five years' reign, none had suffered for any crime against the state, but Pool, earl of Suffolk, and Stafford, duke of Buckingham. The former, he prosecuted in obedience to his father's last commands at his death. His severity to the other was imputed to the Cardinal's malice. The proceedings were also legal. And the Duke of Buckingham had, by the knavery of a priest, to whom he gave great credit, been made believe he had a right to the crown; and practices of that nature touch princes so nearly, that The bishops swear the premacy. no wonder the law was executed in such a case. This shews, that the King was not very jealous, nor desirous of the blood of his subjects. But though he always proceeded upon law, yet in the last ten years of his life many instances of severity occurred, for which he is rather to be pitied, than either imitated or sharply censured. The former Book was full of intrigues and foreign transactions; the greatest part of it being an account of a tedious negotiation with the subtlest and most refined court of Christendom, in all the art of human policy. But now my work is confined to this nation; and, except in short touches by the way, I shall meddle no further with the mysteries of state; but shall give as clear an account of those things that relate to religion and reformation as I could possibly recover. The suppression of monasteries, the advance and declension of reformation, and the proceedings against those who adhered to the interests of the court of Rome, must be the chief subjects of this Book. The two former shall be opened, in the series of time as they were transacted; but the last shall be left to the end of the Book, that it may be presented in one full view. After the parliament had ended their business, the bishops did all renew their allegiance to the King, and King's su swore also to maintain his supremacy in ecclesiastical matters; acknowledging that he was the supreme head of the church of England, though there was yet no law for the requiring of any such oath. The first act of the King's supremacy was, his naming Cromwell vicar-general, and general visitor of all the monasteries and other privileged places. This is commonly confounded with his following dignity of lord vicegerent in ecclesiastical matters; but they were two different places, and held by different commissions. By the one, he had no authority over the bishops, nor had he any precedence; but the other, as it gave him the precedence next the royal family, so it clothed him with a complete delegation of the King's whole power in ecclesiastical affairs. For two years he was only |
