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been encouraged in their revolt against the mayor of a city and that a riot broke out President's course in the controversy with while he was in authority. Suppose the riotGermany by two circumstances.
ers served notice on the mayor that he must the fact that the Secretary of State, Mr. keep the citizens off the street. Suppose Mr. Lansing, suggested to the Allies that they Bryan declined to do anything to restore disarm their merchantmen, and said at the order and subdue the rioters. Suppose Mr. end of his memorandum :
Bryan acquiesced in the rioters' demands. My Government is impressed with the reason
We accept Mr. Bryan's parallel. Under those ableness of the argument that a merchant ship circumstances, we should counsel the Govcarrying an armament of any sort, in view of the ernor to remove Mr. Bryan as fast as a telecharacter of the submarine warfare and the gram could reach him. defensive weakness of undersea craft, should be held to be an auxiliary cruiser and so treated by a neutral as well as by a belligerent Govern
A LETTER FROM ANEIGHBOR ment, and is seriously considering instructing We have received a letter from a neighbor its officials accordingly.
of ours in Ohio that touches on three cenThe other circumstance was the telegram turies of history and half the American conto Mr. Bailey, of Pennsylvania, from Mr. tinent. It is a philosophical letter, shrewd, Bryan, urging the adoption of a law forbid- kindly, and well salted with humor. Without ding Americans to travel on belligerent mer- its author's permission we are taking the chant ships.
liberty of sharing it with our readers : Under this encouragement, unintentionally given by the present Secretary of State, and
JUSTICE OF THE PEACE
Austinburg, Ohio, February 22, 1996. consciously and deliberately offered by the
Mr. Arthur M. Morse, ex-Secretary of State, Senator Gore (whose Assistant Treasurer of The Outlook Company : views are typical of this anti-American, pro- My Dear Sir-Your kind favor of the 19th German group) has declared in a published inst. inquiring why I discontinue my subscripstatement that " sacred sentiment should not tion to The Outlook is at hand. I must combe made a plaything in the hands of every pliment you upon the industrious eye to business thoughtless, reckless wayfarer who for the that led you to so quickly detect that one was love of profit or adventure or pleasure may
missing from among your thousands of sub
scribers. choose to dally with danger or death upon an armed belligerent vessel.” In similar terms,
My act was for no reason that you need to
take to heart; it was because of old age and my a contemporary of George Washington and
inability to keep up with all the reading matter John Hancock might have said that “ sacred
that accumulates on my desk. I am now in my sentiment should not be made a plaything eighty-third year. I was, and am, in accord in the hands of every thoughtless, reckless with you in most things. As compared with colonist who for the love of a cheap cup of tea the newspapers of these days I do not have to may choose to refuse to pay the tax which say of you that you underrate the intelligence the British Government has laid upon it." of your readers. Away back in the heyday Such men as Senators Gore and Stone
of steamboating on the Western rivers I was (Democrats) and Works (Republican), and
for thirty years—during and after the Civil such Representatives as Mondell (Republi
War-a master of passenger steamers on the
Mississippi; the knowledge of people, gained can) and Clark and Kitchin (Democrats) have
then and not ended yet, stands me in good been well answered by the President in
stead now, and I have to grin as I note how his letter addressed to Senator Stone, pub- less seriously the average man takes his newslished on another page, and by the able paper now as compared with then. I started Democrat, Carter Glass, of Virginia, a leader out in lise imagining myself a Democrat. My in the House of Representatives, whose state- first vote was cast for James Buchanan. If the ment is also printed in this issue.
good Lord will forgive me for that, I will take One word only shall we add to these state
the risk on all the balance of my sins myself. ments. Mr. Bryan, in his telegram to Mr.
I never did it again. My vote has been a Re
publican vote since that. Twice I have voted Bailey, says: "A mayor keeps the people of
for Roosevelt, and hope to again, although rehis city out of the danger zone during a riot.
gretting that he has in his train the suffrage and Can our Government afford to do less when
prohibition isms. That lost him more votes the world is in riot ?"
than it gained in the Middle West. Let us suppose that Mr. Bryan were the Twenty years ago I came back here to the
old home and under the shade of the old trees decades of our history preceding the Civil where I played when a boy. An eventful life War. Giddings in the House and Wade in finds me at last quite content with the Western
the Senate were forces to be reckoned with Reserve of Ohio. Its record averages well.
by those who sought to extend the peculiar Giddings and Wade, whom it was my good
institution of the South into the newer regions fortune to know intimately and well, sleep
of the North and West. Wade was a blunt, their last sleep five miles from where I write this. Burton was raised in this village; is, by rough-spoken orator, yet more than once he his old neighbors, criticised a bit for being a
turned the 'weapons of more polished oppolittle late in getting his ear to the ground on the nents against themselves with skillful and preparedness question; yet, if nominated- unanswerable effectiveness. which he will not be—he would get a majority Senator Badger, of North Carolina, arguvote here on his own stamping-ground.
ing for the right of Southern slaveholders to Altogether I can afford to look on and grin
carry their slaves with them into the free Terat the antics of politics, and am, Sincerely and cordially yours,
ritory of Kansas, said: “Why, if some South
ern gentleman wishes to take the nurse who W. B. MILLER.
takes charge of his little baby, or the old Doubtless Mr. Miller's early observations of woman who nursed him in childhood and the results of the negative and vacillating policy whom he called Mammy' until he returned
' of Buchanan, whose timid treatment of slav- from college and perhaps afterward too, and ery and the secession movement from 1857 whom he wishes to take with him in his old to 1861 has become a historical synonym for age when he is moving into one of these new Presidential weakness, did much to color the Territories for the betterment of the fortunes trend of his whole political philosophy. of the whole family, why, in the name of God, Doubtless, too, it is his recollection of the should anybody prevent it?” To this argupositive courage of Giddings and Wade that ment Wade instantly replied : “ The Senator influences him to demand of the present gen. entirely mistakes our position. We have not eration of public men something more than the least objection and would oppose no oba leadership which merely follows behind the stacles to the Senator's migrating to Kansas crowd.
and taking his old. Mammy'along with him. When Mr. Miller's friend Giddings was We only insist that he shall not be empowborn, Washington was still alive and the sands ered to sell her after taking her there." of the eighteenth century had still five years Senator Toombs also found in Wade a to run. A pioneer in the Western Reserve, redoubtable antagonist. " The Wilmot-ProJoshua Giddings played his part as he saw it viso man,” said Toombs,“ holds that you can in the wilderness of Ashtabula County, in the cram freedom whether the people want it or law courts of Ohio, and in the halls of Con- not, but take care how you cram slavery.” gress.
" That is it,'' replied Wade—and the history of To Joshua Giddings and his constituents the United States bears out the conclusion that slavery was an unthinkable institution in a Senator Wade's reply was entirely adequate. free republic. He did not live to see it abol- If it be said that, during the period of ished; on the contrary, he suffered the formal reconstruction and the impeachment of censure of the House of Representatives for Andrew Johnson, Wade showed more of the introducing in its august assembly a resolution character of a bitter partisan than of a broaddeclaring that slaves who escaped from the minded statesman, it must be remembered that United States to foreign soil violated no law the conflict between freedom and slavery proof the Nation “in resuming their natural duced no large number of Lincolns or Lees. rights to personal liberty.” Joshua Giddings To-day we can realize the full measure of the was an able captain in the party which took failure of the policy of Congressional reconits stand on the platform of Free Soil, Free struction advocated by Wade. It might be Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men.
well for us if we had as full an appreciation Like Giddings, Benjamin Franklin Wade, of his rugged honesty of purpose and of the his law partner, went to the Western Reserve necessity of applying this same spirit to the from another State. Farmer, drover, school- solution of our present problems. teacher, student of medicine, laborer on the Wade and Giddings are gone, and with Erie Canal, and lawyer, Wade typifi in his them, as Mr. Miller reminds us, the heyday career much of that independent spirit of of steamboating on the Western rivers. Conthought and action which marked the three gressional appropriations for the dredging of dry creeks and the damming of waters destined to run unburdened by traffic to the sea seem to have only less effect in restoring the commerce of half a century ago than would a Congressional resolution to bring back to their seats in the House and Senate the ghosts of those who fought the long fight for the abolition of slavery. Yet the outlook on life which
Mr. Miller won from his experiences on those same rivers is as refreshing to-day as the waters still coursing between their banks.
We hope that Justice Miller, “full of wise saws and modern instances,” and, we trust, " with good capon” too, may be long spared to fill a chair of Political Philosophy in the University of American Neighborhoods.
THE CLEAR RIGHTS OF AMERICAN
1-PRESIDENT WILSON'S LETTER TO SENATOR STONE
February 24, 1916.
seems to me, have in honor no choice as to My Dear Senator :
what our own course should be. I very warmly appreciate your kind and
For my own part, I cannot consent to any frank letter of to-day, and feel that it calls
abridgment of the rights of American citifor an equally frank reply.
zens in any respect. The honor and selfYou are right in assuming that I shall do
respect of the nation is in volved. We covet everything in my power to keep the United States out of war. I think the country will
peace and shall preserve it at any cost but
the loss of honor. feel no uneasiness about my course in that
To forbid our people to exercise their respect.
rights for fear we might be called upon to Through many anxious months I have
vindicate them would be a deep humiliation striven for that object, amidst difficulties more
indeed. It would be an implicit, all but an manifold than can have been apparent upon
explicit, acquiescence in the violation of the the surface; and so far I have succeeded.
rights of mankind everywhere and of whatI do not doubt that I shall continue to suc
ever nation or allegiance. It would be a ceed.
deliberate abdication of our hitherto proud The course which the central European
position as spokesman, even amid the turPowers have announced their intention of
moil of war, for the law and the right. following in the future with regard to under
It would make everything this Governsea warfare seem's for the moment to threaten
ment has attempted and everything it has insuperable obstacles, but its apparent meaning is so manifestly inconsistent with explicit nations meaningless and futile.
achieved during this terrible struggle of assurances recently given us by these Powers
It is important to reflect that if in this with regard to their treatment of merchant
instance we allowed expediency to take the vessels on the high seas that I must believe
place of principle the door would inevitably that explanations will presently ensue which
be opened to still further concessions. will put a different aspect upon it.
Once accept a single abatement of right We have had no reason to question their
and many other humiliations would certainly good faith or their fidelity to their promises
follow, and the whole fine fabric of internain the past, and I for one feel confident that
tional law might crumble under our hands, we shall have none in the future.
piece by piece. What we are contending for But in any event our duty is clear. . No
in this matter is of the very essence of the nation, no group of nations, has the right
things that have made America a sovereign while war is in progress to alter or disregard nation. She cannot yield them without conthe principles which all nations have agreed ceding her own impotency as a Nation and upon in mitigation of the horrors and suffer
making virtual surrender of her independent ings of war; and if the clear rights of American citizens should ever unhappily be abridged
position among the nations of the world.
I am speaking, my dear Senator, in deep or denied by any such action, we should, it
solemnity, without heat, with a clear coni See editorial
sciousness of the high responsibilities of my
another page.- THE EDITORS.
office, and as your sincere and devoted friend.
THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS
If we should unhappily differ, we shall differ we are friends, speak our minds without res-
February 26, 1916. this American Nation as it would be reflected I have made no systematic canvass of the by such a desperate legislative usurpation is House, nor am I willing to assume to speak worth the ceaseless vigil and the brave fight for the House ; but I have a very distinct which has characterized the efforts of Presiimpression, based on expressions made to dent Wilson to preserve it. me by scores of members, that no resolution For my part, I do not believe Congress is seeking to discredit the President's manage- in anything like such a mood or that it can be ment of the foreign relations of this Govern- precipitated into any such action. But there ment and to substitute action of Congress should be no doubt about it either in this for that of the Executive will get a majority country or abroad. Infinite harm is said to of the votes in the House or anything like a have ensued from the Teutonic misconcepmajority.
tion of this Nation's attitude in the initial I am perfectly confident that no such reso- stages of the Lusitania negotiations, and it is lution would receive a majority of Democratic not difficult to perceive that even graver convotes, and I am not disposed to believe that sequences might result from the supposition the Republican members are one whit less that Congress has a gripping anxiety to repudisposed to leave this grave problem of diate Woodrow Wilson and embrace von international adjustment to the orderly proc- Tirpitz. esses of diplomacy. If they are, so much This is not a party question. It is an Amerithe worse for them and so much more the can question. But if there is real foundation frightful responsibility.
for the well-nigh incredible assertion that the For my part, I would hate to believe that Democratic side of the House is impatient to Congress is in favor of any such detestable antagonize the President in his firm stand for capitulation as that which has been suggested American rights as against threatened mariinvolving inseparably an abject relinquishment time murder, then there are many of us who of cherished National rights and a brutal re- want to go on record to the contrary—who proach of the President for trying to preserve would covet the distinction of refusing to folthe dignity and prestige of the United States low any such leadership. among the great Powers of the earth.
I do not believe the Democratic side is If that is really the temper of Congress, headed in any such direction. If it is, I am the issue should not be postponed to-day going the other way as fast and as far as I We should have the test promptly in order can; nor do I apprehend that I will be in that we may determine whether the honor of any wise ashamed of my company.
THE PRESIDENT AND
A POLL OF THE PRESS
all reflected in the following statement from the Chicago “Illinois Staats-Zeitung :"
Wilson demanded of Germany that she brand herself as a murderer; he demanded that Germany of her own accord give up the use of her strongest arm; that she, and again of her own accord, surrender the unrestricted control of the seas to Great Britain ; and that, finally, the father-soldiers fighting in defense of millions of mothers and children of the Empire should
stand aside, helplessly, witnessing the results of a bestial starvation policy.
In this, too, the German Government . went so far that even the insatiable President was forced to admit that he was pacified, and declared that merchant ships must not be armed if they wish to be immune from attack. . . On the very next day, by London's comma
mand, our Administration made requirements of Germany to the effect that her submarines must warn enemy merchant ships, whether they are armed or not. ...
Another Illinois paper, the Peoria “ Transcript" (Rep.), remarks:
War is war. Why should not either of the belligerents sink without notice hostile merchantmen loaded with munitions cargoes ? Does not the presence of Americans on board these merchantmen, whether armed or unarmed, make this Government the de facto ally of the carrying nation as against the submarine nation seeking to prevent delivery?
And then follows this remarkable statement:
This country has no grievance against either belligerent. These are times when the casus belli must be vital and substantial.
Milwaukee is supposed to be mostly proGerman. In the Milwaukee 6 Leader,” a Socialist paper, we read :
Mr. Wilson has been given warning from Congress that he must consult with the representatives of the people before placing the United States in a position where it may be involved in the world's war.
It has now become plain that it is the sentiment of Congress, as we believe it is of the American people, that war should not be invited by any doctrinaire insistence upon the technical rights of neutrals to travel on belligerent ships.
In justice to American citizens who may be obliged to travel upon the high seas, they should be made aware of the danger which they invite when they take passage upon belligerent ships...
It would be a crime for the United States to enter the war for any reason save that its people should be convinced that its intervention alone could preserve civilization.
Another Milwaukee paper, the popular "Sentinel" (Rep.) says:
Speaker Clark says the resolutions to exclude Americans from armed ships would surely carry in the House by 2 to 1, and perhaps even 3 to 1.
In that proportion the common-sense view prevails in the popular and representative House; and we think is a fair register of public opinion, as ascertainable by referendum.
Our Government has kept us out of this ruinous and senseless war thus far. The war must have run at least half its course, and it certainly is no time for our Government to be
goaded or stampeded away from sane, sensible, and prudential courses by gentlemen whose emotional displays about the European war have been kept in cold storage until the approach of National convention time. ...
Senator Gore will introduce a resolution “prohibiting Americans from traveling on any armed merchant vessel of any belligerent nationality." And the prospect is that such a resolution would be generally favored by Congress, which is perfectly well aware that 999 out of every 1,000 of sane and pro-America Americans are distinctly opposed to any madhouse policy of plunging this country into a distinctively European and unprecedentedly irrational and unjustifiable war for any legal punctilio whatsoever.
The Sacramento "Bee" (Ind.) gives this long-distance view from California:
Congress wishes to warn Americans against traveling on armed passenger ships of belligerent nations. . . . That plan has aroused President Wilson to violent opposition. The principle, however, from this distance seems sound.
A Democratic paper, the New York American,” reflects as follows:
It looks very much as if Mr. Wilson had determined to play politics at the expense of peace, as if he had determined to precipitate the Nation into war in the hope of insuring his reelection. .
If Mr. Wilson believes what he says to Germany about the sanctity of American rights, then he cannot excuse his actions towards Mexico. If he believes that his conduct of non-interference with Mexican outrages upon Americans is right, then his high words to Germany are inexplicable.
Finally, a Mormon paper, the “Deseret Evening News,” at Salt Lake City, thus presents the pacific side :
Suppose two neighbors were engaged in a quarrel over the location of a fence between their properties. One might put up his fence where he contended it should be, only to have it torn down by the other. They go to law to settle the matter. In the meantime do they continue to put up the fence, tear it down, put it up again and tear it down again in a continual round of neighborly strife? They do not. While the action is pending a court order stops the row until the matter is adjudicated, whereupon the fence goes up where the Court says it should go up. The same procedure may properly be taken in this big question. In the matter of the right of Americans to travel on these armed merchantmen, we in this country very naturally think our position is exactly right. Germany, on the other hand, thinks that she is right. It
a quarrel with two sides to it. In the usual run of affairs of this sort there are three ways to settle the issues—the timid party yields to the