Central Bank, with branches throughout the country, the stock to be allotted to the people by popular subscription, the smallest subscribers receiving the first allotments, and the Governing Board to be wholly appointed by the President, each governor serving for a term of fourteen years.

To understand what a radical change this means in the attitude of the bankers one has but to read the resolutions of the American Bankers' Association, passed only a few weeks ago, denouncing Presidential appointments to the Federal Reserve Board as a dangerous injection of politics into American finance.

Both Senator Owen and Mr. Glass answered the argument for a single central bank by showing that, while such a bank operates well in France or Germany-both of which countries are so small in area compared with the United States that either of them could be placed within the State of Texas-a country like the United States, measuring fifteen hundred miles north and south by three thousand miles east and west, cannot be properly served by a single bank, but needs six or eight or ten independent but affiliated banks under the supervision of the Government. This need the regional banks are created to supply. In other words, the Glass Bill is modeled upon our Federal political system. It establishes a group of independent but affiliated and sympathetic sovereignties, working on their own responsibility in local affairs, but united in National affairs by a superior body which is conducted from the National point of view. The regional banks are the States and the Federal Reserve Board is the Congress.

As we believe in a strong Nationalized Government in our political structure, so we believe in a strong and centralized power in the Federal Reserve Board. We think the fear of centralized and continuous power, a fear which is a part of the philosophy of the Democratic party, has prevented the framers of the Glass Bill from giving the Federal Reserve Board sufficient freedom from partisan influence and sufficient tenure of office. This, to our mind, is the main defect of the bill. We should be glad to see the Board so constituted that its entire structure cannot be changed for political reasons within the term of a single President. This might be done by increasing the size of the Board, or by increasing the term of office of the individual members, or by reducing the number of ex-officio

members from the Presidential Administration. But even this modification does not seem to us to be of sufficient importance-if it cannot be agreed upon at once-to delay the passage of the bill.

The country should remember that the present bill is a result of ten years' careful study, investigation, and debate. It is now time to act. When the bill is put into operation, of course defects will display themselves. This is true of almost all great National legislation. But we believe these defects, if they do show themselves, can be corrected by amendments and improvements after the bill has been put into operation. The bill should be passed promptly.

The contention of the Progressives that the Republican National Convention of 1912 at Chicago was a misrepresentatative and unfair Convention is being con

THE REPUBLICAN REORGANIZATION

firmed by the attitude of the present Republican managers. The National Committee

and others influential in the councils of the Republican party are already taking steps for a reorganization of the party, and for a removal of those features in the National management of the party which led to the rebellion of the Progressives. It is now proposed to call a National Republican Convention next year, although that is not a Presidential year, to consider how the party rules can be modified so as to remove the obnoxious danger of venal delegates being elected by corrupt methods from those States where the Republican party has little popular support. This is a somewhat roundabout way of saying that Republican delegates from the Southern States are too often the corrupt products of corrupt methods.

It has been suggested that the Progressives could be brought back into the Republican fold by the nomination of a thoroughly upright man of progressive temperament who had no active part in the conflict of last year. Justice Hughes, of the Supreme Court, is thought to be such a man. That the idea that the Progressives can be brought back into the Republican party by the nomination of a satisfactory candidate and by a modification of the rules by the National Committee is seriously entertained is indicated by the following telegram which the editor of this paper received last week from the "Public Ledger" of Philadelphia, one of the ablest,

MR. ROOSEVELT

The interest felt at Buenos Aires, the capital of Argentina, in Mr. Roosevelt's visit, as indicated by the cabled press despatches, strengthened IN ARGENTINA steadily from day to day. The people of the country were increasingly impressed with Mr. Roosevelt's attitude toward the great Latin-American countries as shown in his address at Rio de Janeiro on "American Internationalism," that at Buenos Aires before the Museo Social on "Democratic Ideals" (both of which have appeared in The Outlook), and finally by the address of November 10, also before the Museo Social. This was entitled "Truths and Half-Truths," and was a continuation of the exposition of "Democratic Ideals." In its course Mr. Roosevelt said:

We are not Utopians. We know that in spite of all that government can do the prime factor in any man's life will be, in the future, as it has been in the past, that man's own character. But we believe that government can do much, and we intend to make it a most potent instrument in working for the uplifting of mankind. We believe that we can make things measurably better, partly by our own individual efforts, partly by our joint action, through the Government or otherwise. We do not intend to destroy individualism. We intend to further its development. But we intend that it shall be

Particularly significant was the address made by Señor Zeballos, formerly the Argentine Foreign Minister, at the ceremony when the University conferred upon Mr. Roosevelt the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. Señor Zeballos declared that nowadays the Argentine Republic did not accept the protection of the Monroe Doctrine, but it did. accept Pan-Americanism. Thus he voiced Argentina's acceptance of Mr. Roosevelt's declaration that such countries as Argentina, Brazil, and Chile have the same kind of interest that the United States has in preserving order and aiding the development of the whole American continent and for the common good.

It was in this spirit also that the Argentina Conservative paper "" "La Nacion said: "This visit of the ex-President has antecedents which make it particularly pleasing and interesting to the nations for whose international position and rehabilitation he used his influence, urging that they be invited to participate in the Hague Conferences. It was at The Hague that they figured for the first time in the concert of the great Powers as peoples with the rights of nations."

At a great banquet at Buenos Aires on November 13 the national hymns of Argentina and the United States were sung, and the emphasis was again laid, both in Mr. Roosevelt's speech and in the address of welcome by Señor Frers, on the Monroe Doctrine as an All-American policy.

In every possible way Mr. Roosevelt's reception and treatment in Buenos Aires, both official and personal, was cordial and included all possible honors.

The first of Mr. Roosevelt's articles which describe his South American journey and discuss the political and economic conditions of the great countries visited will appear in The Outlook of next week.

it takes two-thirds of the membership of either house to make a quorum. Governor Hooper has been twice elected by the combined votes of Republicans and Independent Democrats, including, in the last election, all but about five thousand of the voters, who supported the National Progressive Presidential ticket. But at this Legislature the Memphis delegation in the House held the balance of power between the Regular Democrats and the aforesaid combination. The Fusionists were in favor of the enforcement of the prohibition law in Memphis, Nashville, and Chattanooga, where the law has been virtually annulled by the attitude of the city authorities. The Memphis Democrats acted first with the Fusionists in the organization of the Legislature, and this combination elected Judge Shields, an Independent Democrat, to the United States Senate. When the law-enforcement measures were introduced, the Memphis delegation went over to the Regular Democrats, and the new combination undertook to repeal the reform legislation that had been enacted, whereupon the legislative quorum was broken by the exodus of a third of the Legislature, consisting of Republicans and Independents. This rendered the majority powerless, and finally, through the persistence of Governor Hooper and the response in public sentiment to his appeals, what was called the "Nuisance Bill" and another making effective the Federal law known as the Webb Law were passed. The sessions of the Legislature were marked with much disorder. Even bloodshed was feared, and both factions called in armed officers of the law. It will be impossible hereafter for these cities openly to defy the law of the State, any citizen being now empowered to bring an action against the lawbreakers.

Mr. Mitchel was appointed in May, and resigned his position as President of the Board of Aldermen of New York City in order to accept the appointment. Upon Mr. Mitchel's nomination for the mayoralty of New York he resigned, but his resignation was not accepted until after his election. In the brief period in which he held the office Mr. Mitchel gave evidence of his devotion to administrative efficiency. Mr. Malone therefore succeeds to a position in which high standards of public service have been maintained.

The new Collector of the Port is a son-inlaw of Senator O'Gorman, of New York. Although the Senator is a member of Tammany Hall and advocated the election of the Tammany candidate for Mayor, the fact that the appointment of Mr. Malone is credited to him is not in any degree counted in Tammany's favor. Mr. Malone settled any doubt on that matter during the campaign by making a strong speech against Tammany on behalf of the anti-Tammany ticket. It is to be hoped that Mr. Malone, who as Third Assistant Secretary of State has been close to Mr. Wilson's Administration, will not only strengthen the hands of the anti-Tammany Democrats in New York City, but will also sustain on the high level reached by his immediate predecessors the conduct of this important public office.

point of striking-first the engineers, then the firemen, finally the trainmen. In each. case alarmist reports that even passenger service might be cut off any day were followed by the news that the strike had been averted by an agreement to arbitrate. And in each case the arbitration has been carried to its conclusion and its awards have been accepted. This is a real industrial triumph.

Last week the award of the Arbitration Commission in the case of the conductors and trainmen of the Eastern roads was made public. This arbitration was the first held under the provisions of the amended Erdman Law. The Hon. Seth Low was at its head, and he and Dr. John H. Finley represented the public at large, while the companies and the employees had two representatives each.

The award gives the employees an average increase in wages of seven per cent; this still leaves Eastern wages slightly below those of Western railways, but it is admitted that there are compensating advantages for the Eastern men. The added cost to the railways has been estimated at about $6,000,000 a year.

The increased cost of living was the controlling consideration. The workers claim that even the advanced wages will not balance the present high prices they pay for everything, but they seem very well satisfied with their partial victory. The arbitrators point out that the companies did not plead inability to pay. But the award does recog

nize "the dilemma in which the railroads are evidently placed by the laws which make it impossible for them to increase freight and passenger rates without the authority of the Inter-State Commerce Commission or of the Railroad Commissions of the various States."

Nothing can be clearer than that railways must have an income which shall make proper equipment, safety appliances, good service, decent and liberal treatment of workers, the employment of intelligent and well-trained men, and preparation for the future, all not only possible but certain. A reasonable profit on actual investment and business done should also be granted without question.

If this involves increased rates for freight and passengers, the increase must be permitted. It is for the Inter-State Commerce Commission to investigate and decide. One element to affect their decision is whether present methods are economical and efficient. Mr. Brandeis says they are wasteful; exPresident Mellen was quoted last week as saying that a railway president ought to work as faithfully for $25,000 a year as for $50,000 a year. On the other hand, the award of last week says: "At the present time a ton of freight is moved in the Eastern territory more than three miles for the value of a two-cent postage stamp." That does not sound excessive!

The railways have a right to ask that the increased cost of living argument should be applied in their favor as well as against them. The right and interest of the public demand that facts should be sifted and nothing be taken for granted. Under the system of National supervision embodied in the Inter-State Commerce Commission, this is now possible with railways. It ought to

lege presidents, members of the State Legislature-in short, every one who was interested in the welfare of the State's schools and school-children. Governor Cox had set aside that date as "School Survey Day," and had asked the citizens to assemble in the schoolhouses for the discussion of the educational needs of the community, and for the election of delegates to the congress which will meet in Columbus on December 5 and 6 to formulate suggestions for presentment to the Legislature at the special session in January which the Governor has called for the express purpose of dealing with the school problem.

Last winter Governor Cox appointed a Commission of two men and a woman to find out how the schools of the State could be bettered. The Bureau of Municipal Research in New York City sent Dr. H. L. Brittain to aid the Commission, which undertook a study of the whole situation, enlisting the co-operation of the State Department of Education, the Federation of Women's Clubs, the Daughters of the American Revolution, the Congress of Mothers, the Collegiate Alumnæ, labor organizations, and, in short, every individual and group of individuals that had suggestions to offer. Some of the more mature schoolchildren were consulted, and gave valuable hints on such practical subjects as the size of school-rooms, ventilation, the needs of playgrounds, etc.

Of the 1,370 schools inspected, which is not all that there are within the State, 957 were found to be without any township supervision whatever, and, furthermore, 600 schools were discovered that had fewer than fifteen pupils and 115 that were attended by fewer than ten children. These and other findings of the Commission are to be taken up at the Columbus congress next month, and ways will be considered by which the towns that are now without supervision can afford it in the future.

"School Survey Day" provided the first universal referendum on school matters ever held in any State. It was more significant, however, as the culmination of weeks of co

operation among the citizens of Ohio for a common object concerning the public weal. Governor Cox succeeded in arousing the same spirit that Governor Major, of Missouri, invoked successfully on his "Two Good Road Days not long ago; both these executives have succeeded to a gratifying extent in making government a part of public consciousness. The four thousand gatherings of citizens in Ohio school-houses the other day were not so much school meetings as neighborhood meetings, and as such they furnished the dramatic and human element which is likely to make this experiment in co-operation appeal to people elsewhere until it is copied in many other States.

EDUCATION THAT

If government is to be made a part of public consciousness, however, the public ought to know something of the facts of the regulation BEGINS AT HOME of society. As a matter of fact, such knowledge is all too scarce. Probably most men and women now of voting age studied civics in a book that began with Magna Charta and then took up the other movements by which Englishmen worked out their political salvation, but remained maddeningly silent or vague about town and city management in the United States, concerning which the school-boy is apparently supposed to get his information at his mother's knee or through hearing his father talk politics with other men. Ask the average high school graduate about the Bill of Rights, and he will reply glibly enough; but question him on the administration of affairs in his own county, and the chances are that he will hang his head and mumble that he wasn't taught such things at school.

The Bureau of Municipal Research is crystallizing the movement to have the public schools teach children something about the communities in which they live and by which the schools are supported. Chicago schools have had Chicago in their curriculum since 1909, when Superintendent Ella Flagg Young substituted this study for eighth grade algebra to "make good citizens alive to the needs of their communities." In Newark, New Jersey, schools Newark is taught by means of pamphlets describing the local fire, health, and police departments, city beautifying, street-cleaning, public schools, and kindred subjects. In Parkersburg, West Virginia, Parkersburg is taught not only as civics but

as English as well. The children are sent out to inspect the city departments, and come back to write about them.

Other cities have adopted various methods of interesting children in their own neighborhood and of teaching them to work for it. Winston-Salem, South Carolina, has a boys' branch of the Board of Trade. Juvenile streetcleaning leagues were started in New York City in 1896 as adjuncts of the Department of Street-Cleaning. Last summer nearly four thousand children were assigned to "beats" near infant milk stations and in public playgrounds, where they reported to health officers uncovered garbage-cans, litter on sidewalks, and blocked fire-escapes.

The Bureau of Municipal Research has found that "to make field civics really serviceable to children and communities it must be closely connected with public schools." The embodiment of such practical subjects for study in the curricula of the country's schools does not necessarily mean the displacement of the old courses in the theory and history of social growth-Magna Charta should never be forgotten. But perhaps such studies as eighth grade algebra may be sacrificed, if necessary, in order that future voters may learn how to be useful Americans.

THE NEW COLLEGE

OF COMMERCE

New York is at last to have what it has long needed a school, or college, of commerce. A member of the Chamber of Commerce has given $500,000 to that purpose, and suspicion has fallen upon Mr. Schiff, whose interest in the public welfare, in education, and in philanthropic institutions exposes him to this kind of suspicion. This gift is conditional on the use of four subscriptions of $50,000 each for the establishment of a commercial and civic museum, these institutions to be supported by the city.

For a long time past the need of the highest commercial education, both in college and in museum, have been felt by an increasing number of men in the metropolis. Although commercially the foremost city in the United States, and among the four or five foremost cities in commercial rank in the world, New York has been far behind the best standards of the day in the matter of commercial education. The extraordinary growth in enterprise and breadth of commercial activities which Germany has made since the close of the war with France has been due in no small meas