inspired her Indian pupils at Carlisle Institute to the creation of a new school of applied design and decorative art, unique in that it is thoroughly Indian. No white person could have done this; he could never have touched the creative spring behind the Indian art-traditions, nor understood the living poetry of symbol that makes Indian art to speak. Yet the work of this gifted Indian woman is still but at the beginning, for years of previous "art" instruction at Carlisle (painting pansies on plush pillows, embroidering strawberries, drawing roses in red chalk, and carefully shaded kittens playfully emerging from unbuttoned boots!) had first to be lived down and obliterated. In time the example of Angel De Cora's effort may broadly permeate our teaching of primitive peoples, and we may now well hope that the next development in the lace-making industry taught to Indian women (one of the noblest and most successful of practical philanthropies) may be an emphasis on the beauty and value of original native designs.

The "Vanishing Race" is a coming people so far as absorption into our civilization is concerned. The Indian learns the white man's music and musical instruments with extraordinary ease, and there are bands in all the large Indian boarding-schools. When

one considers that the musical tuition received by most Indians is worse than mediocre, the ability shown by the students is worth more than a passing comment. The belief that with the educated Indians lies a future for their art is no mere dream. The concerts of Negro music given by colored musicians at Carnegie Hall in New York have awakened wide and thoughtful comment, and proved abundantly that the so-called backward peoples have something typically their own to give to the world of art. This is especially true of the Indian. I once knew a young full-blood Apache carpenter who had taught himself three instruments, and the dream of whose life was to become a musician, that he might "write Geronimo's life in music." Richard Strauss was unknown to this child of Arizona, yet he outlined a complete symphonic poem while describing the way in which his native Apache songs should be used to express his people's defensive struggle "for their homes." Though our educational efforts are now wisely and necessarily focused on getting the Indians on their feet industrially, yet there are always the gifted few in every race to whom an art education can be accorded, reasonably sure of results. If we would indeed have real

Indian music in modern art-form, let our Government, or some public-spirited citizen, give a scholarship to the self-reliant and talented Indian (I know one who nearly starved while studying music in Boston), and place him under a discriminating and sympathetic master- -a master with enough genius in himself not to kill the native genius in the Indian. And by the time the Indian composer shall have arisen in civilized life (he is there already in the native life) our harmonic system may have been still further expanded by the followers of Moussorgsky, Strauss, Debussy, and Schoenberg, and America may in time contribute to the development of an enlarged system of notation that may include the possibility of correctly recording those intervals prevalent in the music of the Orient, and also the peculiar inflections and accents that form so characteristic a feature of most barbaric music.

Visiting musicians-Felix Mottl, Safonoff, Busoni-who took keen interest in our native music, found the melodies ill adapted to literal harmonization according to our present methods, and one of them said, "Barbaric music and primitive folk-songs, which are interesting our composers everywhere to-day, have helped to point the way to

a larger development of our tone-relations, away from the eternal major and minor modes."

Our present duty is to assume guardianship of the culture-heritance of the Indianand let us be better guardians in the sphere of education than we have proved politically to our "wards"! Although valuable collections of Indian songs have already been made, the field is so vast and the workers are so few that there is still much to be done. As the old life passes, so too are passing the ancient songs sacred to that life. While yet they linger in the memory of the tribal priests and chiefs, they should be set on paper exactly as the Indians sing them. We trust that such recording will form a large part of the duties of Mr. O'Hara, under whose supervision each Indian school might be induced to form its own library of Indian songs, accurately noted. In such work we should give Mr. O'Hara Nation-wide support; for this task science, art, the historian of to-morrow and the humanitarian of to-day will thank and honor him. For the whole subject of Indian education should enlist the interest and the best thought of our people, and it is hoped that these few remarks may provoke further discussion on the part of abler scholars.

Ο

N September 6, 1901, President McKinley was shot by an Anarchist in the city of Buffalo. I went to Buffalo at once. The President's condition seemed to be improving, and after a day or two we were told that he was practically out of danger. I then joined my family, who were in the Adirondacks, near the foot of Mount Tahawus. A day or two afterwards we took a long tramp through the forest, and in the afternoon I climbed Mount Tahawus.

After reaching the top I had descended a few hundred feet to a shelf of land where there was a little lake, when I saw a guide coming out of the woods on our trail from below. I felt at once that he had bad news, and, sure enough, he handed me a telegram saying that the President's condition was much worse and that I must come to Buffalo immediately. It was late in the afternoon, and darkness had fallen by the time I reached the clubhouse where we were staying. It was some time afterwards before I could get a wagon to drive me out to the nearest railway station, North Creek, some forty or fifty miles distant. The roads were the ordinary wilderness roads and the night was dark. But we changed horses two or three times-when I say "we" I mean the driver and I, as there was no one else with us-and reached the station just at dawn, to learn from Mr. Loeb, who had a special train waiting, that the President was dead. That evening I took the oath of office, in the house of Ansley Wilcox, at Buffalo.

NO REVERSAL OF POLICY.

On three previous occasions the VicePresident had succeeded to the Presidency on the death of the President. In each case

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there had been a reversal of party policy, and a nearly immediate and nearly complete change in the personnel of the higher offices, especially the Cabinet. I had never felt that this was wise from any standpoint. If a man is fit to be President, he will speedily so impress himself in the office that the policies pursued will be his anyhow, and he will not have to bother as to whether he is changing them or not; while as regards the offices under him, the important thing for him is that his subordinates shall make a success in handling their several departments. The subordinate is sure to desire to make a success of his department for his own sake, and if he is a fit man, whose views on public policy are sound, and whose abilities entitle him to his position, he will do excellently under almost any chief with the same purposes.

THE CABINET UNCHANGED

I at once announced that I would continue unchanged McKinley's policies for the honor and prosperity of the country, and I asked all the members of the Cabinet to stay. There were no changes made among them save as changes were made among their successors whom I myself appointed. I continued Mr. McKinley's policies, changing and develop. ing them and adding new policies only as the questions before the public changed and as the needs of the public developed. Some of my friends shook their heads over this, telling me that the men I retained would not be "loyal to me," and that I would seem as if I were a pale copy of McKinley.". I told them that I was not nervous on this score, and that if the men I retained were loyal to their work they would be giving me the loyalty for which I most cared; and that if they were not,, I would change them anyhow; and that as for being a pale copy of McKinley," I was not primarily concerned with either following or not following in his footsteps, but in facing the new problems that

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For the reasons I have already given in my chapter on the Governorship of New York, the Republican party, which in the days of Abraham Lincoln was founded as the radical progressive party of the Nation, had been obliged during the last decade of the nineteenth century to uphold the interests of popular government against a foolish and illjudged mock-radicalism. It remained the Nationalist as against the particularist or State's rights party, and in so far it remained absolutely sound; for little permanent good can be done by any party which worships the State's rights fetish or which fails to regard the State, like the county or the municipality, as merely a convenient unit for local self-government, while in all National matters, of importance to the whole people, the Nation is to be supreme over State, county, and town alike.

THE NEEDS OF THE DAY

But the State's rights fetish, although still effectively used at certain times by both courts and Congress to block needed National legislation directed against the huge corporations or in the interests of workingmen, was not a prime issue at the time of which I speak. In 1896, 1898, and 1900 the campaigns were waged on two great moral issues: (1) the imperative need of a sound and honest currency; (2) the need, after 1898, of meeting in manful and straightforward fashion the extra-territorial problems arising from the Spanish War. On these great moral issues the Republican party was right, and the men who were opposed to it, and who claimed to be the radicals, and their allies among the sentimentalists, were utterly and hopelessly wrong.

THE DANGER FROM REACTIONARIES

This had, regrettably but perhaps inevitably, tended to throw the party into the hands not merely of the conservatives but of the reactionaries; of men who, sometimes for personal and improper reasons, but more often with entire sincerity and uprightness of purpose, distrusted anything that was progressive and dreaded radicalism. These men still from force of habit applauded what Lincoln had done in the way of radical dealing

with the abuses of his day; but they did not apply the spirit in which Lincoln worked to the abuses of their own day. Both houses of Congress were controlled by these men. Their leaders in the Senate were Messrs. Aldrich and Hale. The Speaker of the House when I became President was Mr. Henderson, but in a little over a year he was succeeded by Mr. Cannon, who, although widely differing from Senator Aldrich in matters of detail, represented the same type of public sentiment. There were many points on which I agreed with Mr. Cannon and Mr. Aldrich, and some points on which I agreed with Mr. Hale. I made a resolute effort to get on with all three and with their followers, and I have no question that they made an equally resolute effort to get on with me. We succeeded in working together, although with increasing friction, for some years, I pushing forward and they hanging back. Gradually, however, I was forced to abandon the effort to persuade them to come my way, and then I achieved results only by appealing over the heads of the Senate and House leaders to the people, who were the masters of both of us.

GETTING RESULTS

I continued in this way to get results until almost the close of my term; and the Republican partý became once more the progressive and indeed the fairly radical progressive party of the Nation. When my successor was chosen, however, the leaders of the House and Senate, or most of them, felt that it was safe to come to a break with me, and the last or short session of Congress, held between the election of my successor and his inauguration four months later, saw a series of contests between the majorities in the two houses of Congress and the President-myself-quite as bitter as if they and I had belonged to opposite political I was parties. However, I held my own. not able to push through the legislation I desired during these four months, but I was able to prevent them doing anything I did not desire, or undoing anything that I had already succeeded in getting done.

FAITHFUL PUBLIC SERVANTS

There were, of course, many Senators and members of the lower house with whom up to the very last I continued to work in hearty accord, and with a growing understanding. I have not the space to enumerate,