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appreciatively, about the fallen enemy. Even in war moments occur when the fighter salutes the enemy with the saber instead of striking him with it. Such a moment has arisen with the departure of Lord Roberts.

Lord Roberts's death of course emphasizes the question of conscription in England. Every word which he has spoken for years past about the menace of war has now come true. Every warning he has given has been justified. Because it had not enough trained men at the start, the war's extra strain on the British nation has cost that nation thousands of lives and millions in money.

The voluntary recruiting system obtains in England. Its advocates point to the fact that already not only have a great number of men enlisted, but that because they have spontaneously done so and have not been dragooned into it, there is a resultant quality of enthusiasm which makes each volunteer worth any two conscripts. Is not this shown, they urge, by the fact that the British turned the tide of German advance in France?forgetting perhaps that there are ten times as many French as British. Furthermore, these advocates add, the Government's call for more men has a moral ring impossible to obtain by the conscript system.

On the other hand, all Englishmen agreed with Lord Roberts that it is the duty of every man, high or low, rich or poor, to defend his country in case of national danger. And most Englishmen agreed with him that, to prepare for this duty, there should be universal elementary training for military service in time of peace; that there should be not only physical training in all the schools, but that all boys up to the age of eighteen should undergo some sort of military discipline. But by no means all Englishmen have believed with Lord Roberts that for all able-bodied youths between eighteen and twenty-one there should be a continuous training of at least four months for the infantry, with longer periods for other arms, and that after this training the men should serve in the Territorial Force for three years.

The war came, the force was inadequate, and Lord Roberts was magnanimous enough not to say, "I told you so."


It is not every day that a man dies who had the distinction of having risen from a soldier in the ranks to that of Lieutenant



General of the army. Such a man was Adna R. Chaffee, who recently died at the age of seventy-two. He was, as has been well said, a composite of the volunteer of 1861 and the cowboy cavalryman of the period of Indian warfare from 1870 to 1891, polished off by his experiences in China, the Philippines, and Europe.

He was not nineteen years old when the Civil War broke out. He enlisted as a private and served throughout the war with his regiment, being wounded twice. After the war he was sent with his regiment to Texas to help watch the French in Mexico. He was afterwards in the Comanche War in Texas, and then scouted and fought in the Indian Territory. The following fourteen years saw Captain Chaffee in Arizona and New Mexico engaged in hard Indian warfare. Finally, in 1890-91, Major Chaffee participated in the Pine Ridge campaign, the windup of Indian wars. From 1894 to 1896 General Chaffee was instructor of cavalry tactics at Fort Leavenworth, afterwards becoming commandant at the cavalry school at Fort Riley. In the war with Spain his coolness and intrepidity were especially noted in the capture of El Caney.

In 1900 General Chaffee was chosen to lead the American forces of the Peking Relief Expedition in China. Those who accompanied him on this expedition tell of the impression made by the fine-looking, straight, tall, long-limbed officer, whose vigorous expressions were in harmony with his physique. Although at first some of the foreigners did not understand him, he later was valued at his true worth by Count von Waldersee, the Chief of the expedition, and by the other heads. General Chaffee was quite as frank with Waldersee as with any one, and on hearing that some German soldiers had taken the astronomical instruments from the Chinese National Observatory, he sent Count von Waldersee a sharp note, in which he spoke of the incident as "absolute vandalism of the worst kind."

But the best bit of Chaffee frankness was reserved for General Linievitch, the Russian commander. After the relief forces reached Peking there was a conference of the commanders to decide who should lead the invasion of the "Forbidden City." Japanese claimed the honor, because their force was the largest; General Linievitch insisted that it belonged to him, because the Russian troops were first on the wall in the




assault on Peking. That claim angered Chaffee. "You were first on the wall because you violated a binding agreement," he said to General Linievitch. "It was decided that there would be a general advance at six o'clock in the morning, and you advanced secretly at ten o'clock the night before. That is how you got there first."


The promotion of Brigadier-General Hugh L. Scott to succeed Major-General W. W. Wotherspoon as Chief of Staff of the United States army and of Brigadier-General Frederick Funston to fill the vacancy in the ranks of the major-generals left vacant by the retirement of General Wotherspoon has been heartily approved by the army and the public at large, as has also the promotion of Brigadier-General Tasker H. Bliss to succeed General Scott as Assistant Chief of Staff and Chief of the Mobile Army Division. General Bliss is now in command of the forces on the Mexican border, in which position he succeeded General Scott when the latter was called to Washington last spring.

These promotions were announced by Secretary of War Garrison on November 13, and went into effect when General Wotherspoon was automatically retired on account of age on November 16. The announcement was also made that General Scott will become a Major-General next April upon the retirement of Major-General Arthur Murray, and that General Bliss will assume the same rank in November, 1915, when Major-General William H. Carter retires.

These retirements and promotions leave three vacancies in the rank of BrigadierGeneral, which will be filled by Colonel Henry A. Greene, of the Tenth Infantry; Colonel William A. Mann, of the Third Infantry, now in command of the First Brigade, stationed at Albany, New York; and Colonel Frederick S. Strong, of the Coast Artillery.

General Funston, who is forty-nine years old, is the youngest major-general in the army. He was the youngest brigadier-general when he was appointed to that rank in 1901 from a similar rank in a volunteer regiment as a reward for his services in capturing Emilio Aguinaldo, the troublesome and elusive leader of Filipino revolutionaries. has been at the top of the eligible list for some time, but has on several occasions been passed


over for another man, and his recent promotion was deserved.

General Scott has had a very active career. He is a noted Indian fighter, having campaigned with Custer; has seen service in the Philippines, and was for some time in command on the Mexican border. While in the last position he formed an interesting and more or less famous friendship or acquaintanceship with General Francisco Villa, of Mexican notoriety, and it is credibly reported that he gave Villa lectures on the responsibilities and expected amenities of civilized warfare. He is a master of military routine and theory, but is also exceedingly human and practical and thoroughly understands the rank and file.


Eulalio Gutierrez, who was selected by the delegates at the Aguas Calientes Conference as the Provisional President of the Republic, but is not recognized by Carranza, is the least known of all the leaders who have figured in the last four years of revolution. Except in his own State, San Luis Potosí, Gutierrez is probably as little known throughout Mexico as he is in the United States. An interesting portrait appears in our picture section.

Along the border the new Provisional President is remembered chiefly as the man who boasted that he would introduce and use the guillotine in Mexico. Gutierrez also, we are informed by a correspondent in El Paso who sends us other facts about Gutierrez, gained some fame in his native State as being an expert at blowing up Federal troop trains, and it was claimed that his activities were chiefly responsible for the failure of the Huerta campaign around the cities of Monterey, Saltillo, and San Luis Potosí.

Eulalio Gutierrez is forty-two years old. He was born at Santo Domingo, State of Coahuila, but has lived in San Luis Potosí all his life. For a time he was employed in the mines near Corero, in San Luis Potosí, and later became a sort of mine boss. From this he branched out into the grocery business, and finally became proprietor of a small general store. He was engaged in this business when the Madero revolution broke out. Prior to this time, however, the new Provisional President had been active in the minor plots against Diaz, and as early as 1902 he was arrested by Diaz for fomenting



a revolution in northern San Luis Potosí. He was tried at Monterey, and was sentenced to a long term in the penitentiary at Mexico City. At the end of a year, however, he was released and returned to Corero.

At the outbreak of the Madero revolution Gutierrez organized the miners and fought against the soldiers of Diaz. Following the triumph of the Madero revolution he retired to private life and again entered the mercantile business. When the Orozco revolution broke out, he again organized the miners and assisted Huerta in fighting for Madero.

Gutierrez had about eight hundred men under his command when Madero was overthrown, and with these he refused to recognize Huerta, allying himself with Venustiano Carranza. As his troops were poorly armed and he himself was without funds, he was unable to make any stand against the Huerta forces in San Luis Potosí, and so contented himself with harassing the Federals by blowing up bridges and otherwise hindering their lines of communication. It is said to be Gutierrez's boast that he blew up twentyseven troop trains during the time he was operating against the Huertistas.

Towards the close of the Huerta revolution Gutierrez joined General Jesus Carranza and General Alberto Torres in the siege of the city of San Luis Potosí. They besieged the city for weeks without success, but when the division of General Pablo Gonzales moved in to assist him the Federals evacuated the city. A message was sent out by the citizens asking that Gutierrez be placed in charge of the city. This was done, and he and his forces have remained there since. Shortly after the occupation of the city Gutierrez was appointed Provisional Governor of the State by Carranza. He has been considered a strong Carranzista, but he owes his nomination at Aguas Calientes to Villa influences. Practically the Aguas Calientes convention was a Villa convention, just as the former convention at Mexico City was a Carranza convention.

Last winter many men were out of work. This winter there will undoubtedly be even more. Last winter conditions were so grave owing to the wide extent of unemployment that an agitation for a serious study of this serious problem swept over the country and culminated in a National Conference on Unemployment


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With the exception of one State, New York, and a few scattered cities, very little has been done to show that the public learned anything from the example of a winter that provided the spectacle of municipal lodginghouses overcrowded and bands of the jobless roaming city streets and in desperation violently invading churches in the hope of getting relief.

The general apathy of the public toward this important problem is deplorable when it is considered that nineteen States with wellordered systems of public employment bureaus have proved that the trouble is largely curable. The failure of Congress to act, particularly in the face of the certainty that the European war would greatly increase the number of men and women that might normally be expected to be out of work, is inexcusable, especially when it is remembered that an excellent bill providing for the establishment of a Federal Employment Bureau, with branches throughout the country, had been introduced in the House of Representatives by Congressman Victor Murdock.

This bill had a favorable hearing before the House Labor Committee, but was pigeonholed when the Federal Industrial Relations Commission intimated that it was about to study the unemployment situation. Unfortunately this Commission failed to present a bill of its own, and the result is that Congress adjourned with the Murdock measure still in committee and nothing accomplished to alleviate the certain suffering of the winter that is now setting in.

As intimated above, New York State has established a thoroughgoing system of agencies to bring the job and the man together, under the charge of a thoroughly qualified expert, Mr. Charles Barnes. And New York


City is about to open the largest and most finely equipped employment agency in the country, with another expert, Mr. Walter Sears, as superintendent.

The enterprising city of Duluth continues to set an example as to the wisdom of so arranging its public work that it will take up the seasonal slack of unemployment. Authorities all agree that one of the easiest ways of minimizing the extent of unemployment is to have all public improvements undertaken at the time of year when normally jobs are scarcest, but Duluth is one of the few American cities that have pursued this wise course.


The conclusion of the National Woman Suffrage Convention at Nashville, Tennessee, left this organization under the presidency of Dr. Anna Howard Shaw. This is her tenth term in this important office. The result of the Convention as a whole was to strengthen the hands of the more conservative members of the Woman Suffrage Association.

It has long been the policy of the Association to keep clear from affiliation with any of the organized political parties of this country. Contrary to the spirit of this policy, an attempt was made at this Convention to establish a blacklist of Congressmen who through party ties or personal desire were fighting the cause for which the suffragists stand. This proposition was met by the adoption of the following resolution :


Resolved, That the National American Woman Suffrage Association is absolutely opposed to holding any political party responsible for the opinions and acts of its individual members, or holding any individual public official or candidate responsible for the action of his party majority on the question of woman suffrage."

Resolutions were also adopted urging Congress to take up at once the pending Constitutional amendments for the enfranchisement of women, and to enact immediate legislation to protect the rights of women citizens who marry unnaturalized foreigners. Women were also urged to encourage such industries and institutions as adhere to the principle of equal pay for equal work regardless of sex.


A football player recently was ruled out of a game for slugging. A little later a man was sent out from the side lines to take

the place of another player. This new substitute's face was almost covered with strips of adhesive plaster. It was noticed that this new man played with special skill, and it was later discovered that this fellow whose face was so well covered was the one who had been disqualified.

Sharp practice of this sort might in a certain period of the past have been ignored and even considered praiseworthy. What happened in this case, however, shows that that

time is gone. As soon as the fact was discovered, an investigation by the athletic authorities of the institution which the disqualified player represented was at once begun. It was discovered that the captain of the team was disabled for the time being and did not know what had happened, and that the student manager of the team was in the field house.. The coach of the team, however, not only knew of it and acknowledged it, but said that he was responsible for it, and justified himself because it accorded with his standards as a professional. The Athletic Committee, consisting of three members of the Faculty, acting in conjunction with the Student Council, immediately dismissed the coach. The big game of the year was yet to be played-the game with Rutgers; but there was no hesitation on the part of the authorities or the representative undergraduates in this action. This happened at Stevens Institute, the well-known technical college at Hoboken, New Jersey. The undergraduate paper, in the course of its comment on the game, had this to say under the title A Protest :"

Stevens may not be able to have a winning football team. She may not be able to have many victories in lacrosse, baseball, or track, or be rated as a power in the college athletic world. But there is one thing Stevens can have, has had, and, it is to be hoped, always will have as long as the red and gray is worn-clean athletics.

In the course of this action Dr. Humphreys, President of Stevens Institute, put aside his class-room work until the thing was settled. The occurrence has served a very good purpose, and has been of greatest credit to Stevens Institute.

In connection with this we cite another instance, which we like to believe is expressive of a growing spirit in American athletics. In the game between Fordham University, an important Catholic institution in New York City, and the University of Vermont, each side

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Imade a touchdown. To the uninitiated it should be explained that after a touchdown, which is reckoned as six points, the side that makes it is allowed the privilege of a try at goal, which, if successful, adds one more point to the score. After the touchdown made by Vermont the goal kicker was successful, and seven points went to Vermont's credit. After Fordham's touchdown, however, there was a difference of opinion whether the goal kicker had sent the ball between the goal posts or not. One of the officials declared that he had, the other that he had not. Most, if not all, of the reports of the game gave the score as a tie. At the first opportunity a mass-meeting of the Fordham students was held, and it was unanimously voted that the game should be recorded as a victory for Vermont. The Fordham students preferred to accept defeat than to have recorded against them any discourtesy to a visiting eleven, or any uncertainty as to their right to a point credited to them.

Minor matters these, perhaps, from one point of view, in the news of the day; but they are really not minor in any real sense. The men who follow sharp practice in athletics are the men who are willing to escape moral obligations in business provided they can avoid legal compulsion, who turn sharp political tricks provided they can do so without penalty, and who make of treaties " scraps of paper." The men who follow the other practice, illustrated by the undergraduates and authorities at Stevens and Fordham, are the men on whom must depend business confidence and business morals, from whom alone the country can expect any progress in political honesty and public service, and to whom the world has to look for the substitution of international confidence and co-operation in place of war.



The question whether it is a criminal offense to carry a Harvard banner in parade has recently become acute in Cambridge." This sounds jocose; but whatever joke there is in this quotation from the "Harvard Alumni Bulletin " has been supplied, not by the editors of the " Bulletin," but by the Legislature of Massachusetts. By an Act passed in 1913, this dignified and serious body wrote into the laws of the Commonwealth this pro vision:

No red or black flag, and no banner, ensign, or sign having upon it any inscription opposed



to organized government, or which is sacrilegious, or which may be derogatory to public morals, shall be carried in parade within this Commonwealth.

The significance of this law lies in the fact that the red flag is supposed to be the symbol of Socialism, and the black flag the symbol of Anarchism. A Socialist society in Fitchburg was preparing for a rally, and its members had started a parade, one of them carrying the society's flag, which bore the inscription, "S. S. O. Saima, Fitchburg, Mass.," meaning in English the Finnish Socialist Branch, Fitchburg, Massachusetts. The bearer of the banner was arrested, tried, and convicted under this law. The Supreme Court of the Commonwealth upheld the conviction. In rendering its decision, Judge Rugg declared that the statute " prohibits the carrying of red and black flags absolutely, and does not make this prohibition dependent upon the nature of the inscription," and further explains that "the carrying of flags red or black in color is forbidden, and also the carrying of other objects having the inscriptions or characteristics described." The fact that a flag has merely a red background, with a harmless inscription upon it, does not relieve it from the prohibition; for, says the Court, "if the flag is of the forbidden color in its essential and dominating characteristics, then the mere circumstance that it bears also an inscription or device of another color is not enough to prevent its being a red flag." According to this law, then, no people parading in Massachusetts can carry the merchant flag of our friendly neighbor Great Britain, or the flag of Morocco, or the flag of our Eastern friend Japan, or the flag of the peaceful Swiss, or the flag of Turkey, or Siam, or Egypt, or, what is most ironical, the original flag of the American colonies. If an auctioneer wishes to advertise his business by instituting a parade and carrying his symbol, he is stopped by this statute, and of course the crimson banner of Harvard College is banished from the streets of its own city.

To the credit of the spirited undergradates of Harvard, acquiescence in this remarkable law has been complete on their part. When their football team defeated Princeton, a body of undergraduates marched under a white banner with a crimson "H."

Of course the staid old Commonwealth of Massachusetts has been in recent years much disturbed by finding that it has to deal with

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