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ver, upon assurances of the moral and iplomatic support of the principal Power's... to use my good offices nd to proffer my personal mediation, rough a representative whom I may esignate, to end the hostilities now eing waged against the Armenian eople.
There is nothing novel in the action President Wilson in agreeing to be ediator between Armenia and Tur. Mediation between warring nations not a new principle. It is a commonce of international relations, and is dependent upon the existence of
world organization. President osevelt acted as mediator in bring- Japan and Russia together at the rtsmouth Conference. The only bear: the League of Nations has on this rco-Armenian mediation is that it s from the League that the request me to President Wilson.
Mustapha, however, has lost no time making plain that he would not welne mediation unless it suggested a making in his favor of the Turkish eaty. He emphasized this by concludg, as reported, an alliance with nine at Moscow, which assures finan1 and military help in restoring prer Turkish territory, in return for ich the Bolsheviki are to obtain ilities for their propaganda in Tury, Lenine and Mustapha pledging emselves to continue hostilities against
- CONSTANTINE A LUXURY A NECESSITY?
HE Greek King Constantine was guilty of "hostile acts" during the r, to quote from the recent note Fued by the British, French, and lian Governments. Hence they were painfully surprised" by his victory the Greek election in November;
Wide World Photos
VENIZELOS, ON A BALCONY, ADDRESSING A CROWD IN ATHENS AFTER HIS DEFEAT
in their opinion, the victory amounted
As this general warning did not seem to alarm the Greeks greatly, the Powers followed it by specifically announcing two followed it by specifically announcing two things: first, that in the event of Constantine's return they would withdraw financial support from Greece, and, second, would reconsider territorial adjustment.
As to the first, after the disastrous war with Turkey (1897) the Greeks were saved by the so-called guaranteeing Powers," who in 1898 imposed a Law of Control. Under it they established at Athens, in direct relation to the Greek Minister of Finance, a financial commission of delegates representing the Powers. To this commission were assigned, for payment on the interest of the external debt, the revenues from salt, petroleum, and other monopolies, the tobacco and other duties. The present declaration means not only the withdrawal of future foreign loans from Greece, but also the withdrawal by the Powers of any authorization to Greece to issue new currency.
she did all along the line separating that part of Asia Minor inhabited by Greece from the part inhabited by Turks, a boundary assigned by the Turkish Treaty. Even were this not so, can Constantine do much in Asia Minor if the farmers of Thessaly, who voted for him and against Venizelos in the November election, really voted so because they wanted the army demobilized and their sons brought back to get out the crops?
And now Greece has had a December election. As the November election called for a decision between the issues of the "crowned Republic" or the very much crowned monarchy, so the December election decided the particular question as to whether Constantine himself should return. By a mighty majority, Powers or no Powers, the Greeks voted "Yes." For Constantine this is apparently an immense triumph. Personally popular and now a fairly able general, he puts himself at the head of the Greeks, who resent foreign interference.
But he must walk warily to avoid trespassing on the rights of the Guaranteeing Powers, without whom there would have been no Greece. Can he ever walk as acceptably as Venizelos did during the past few years? If not, the Greeks may find their King, after all, a luxury and not a necessity.
As to territorial adjustment, Constan-
HEN the battle of Jutland, in which the High Sea Fleet of Germany became engaged with the Grand Fleet of Great Britain, was
ended, German war-vessels were back in their base behind their defenses and British war-vessels retained their privilege of moving at will through the high seas. If we were to believe not only the Germans but also some other narrators of that event, we would accept this battle as a great German victory. Admiral von Scheer made a report concerning it which has only recently been published. As this report was made to the Kaiser, it naturally does not understate the facts that seem favorable to Germany.
Even if we grant as verified all the claims that the Germans make in their own favor, even if it is conceded that the British losses were much greater than the German losses (Admiral von Scheer's report puts his own losses at 60,000 tons and the British losses at 169,000 tons), even if all the criticism that has been made of the British strategy in the battle were to be accepted as justified, the facts remain that Great Britain retained control of the sea and that Germany failed to weaken that control in any particular.
If there is any consolation for the supporters of a football team which is beaten by a decisive score to count up the yards gained in rushing and in punting and to discover thereby that the team with the smaller score gained a greater number of yards, if there is any consolation to be found by the supporters of a defeated Presidential candidate in the moral victory secured by those who cast their ballot for their convictions though the ballots on the other side outnumbered them, there may be consolation for the Germans in the facts concerning the battle of Jutland. But those who count victory on the football field by the score of the game and who count victories in elections by the majority of the votes will continue to believe that moral victories in war such as the Germans won at the battle of Jutland are not the kind of victories which armies and navies are designed to win.
Corporation Counsel while Mr. Whitney was at the head of New York City's legal department. When Mr. Stetson left the Corporation Counsel's office, his ability had attracted the attention of another lawyer, Francis M. Bangs, doubtless the leading man in his profession in the metropolis until the rise of James C. Carter and Joseph H. Choate. The firm of Bangs and Stetson, succeeded by that of Stetson, Jennings, and Russell, became one of the most generally known among lawyers throughout the country because of the acumen and skill brought to corporation work. Much important railway litigation and industrial organization in America has been managed in the office of the Stetson firm. Mr. Stetson himself was organizer of the United States Steel Corporation, and from its inception was its general counsel. He was also general counsel for the Northern Pacific, the Erie, and the Southern Railway Companies, the International Mercantile Marine Company, and other large organizations.
In the famous Tilden-Hayes controversy Mr. Stetson served as counsel for Mr. Tilden-he had been Governor Tilden's secretary at Albany. During the interval between his terms as President Grover Cleveland became Mr. Stetson's law partner. Perhaps more than any other man Mr. Stetson was the power behind the throne in the Cleveland Administrations, especially the second. When it was a question whether the Government could maintain gold payments, he upheld the President in remaining true to the Tilden traditions of anti-inflation and hard money.
Mr. Stetson's was a lifelong devotion to the Tilden-Whitney-Cleveland Democracy; he exhibited the rugged independence which distinguished it. For instance, in the attempt to elect Mr. Sheehan to the Senate in 1911 Mr. Stetson declared:
Though I may be one of those Democrats who have. occasionally voted the Republican ticket, I am also one of those who have voted the Democratic ticket whenever permitted and allowed by the organization to do so with self-respect. . . . I repudiate absolutely the suggestion that a Democrat, convinced that his party or his country will be injured by the adoption of a certain course, is in honor bound to vote for the adoption of that course because of caucus and convention control. The strength and hope of the party is in the adoption of principles and candidates who will represent and command the willing spirit of the entire party and not in the coerced statement of any of its members.
convention of the Episcopal Church both of which Mr. Stetson was in ably to be seen, were conscious of power in other directions. He graduated from Williams with the e of 1867, along with Hamilton Wre Mabie, Henry Loomis Nelson, G ernor Dole, of Hawaii, and Stan Hall, late of Clark University. W iams College has had no more real efactor than Mr. Stetson, who gave it unostentatiously not only great s of money but, what was far more p cious, his time and counsel as trus In the Episcopal Conventions E Stetson's influence was equally evide he it was who framed the canon e marriage and divorce; for many ye he had been senior warden of th Church of the Incarnation of York City. A director in many ed tional and philanthropical societies, power was made doubly effective s cause of the modesty of manner which it was exercised.
THE GREEKS AGAIN BEARING GIFTS UST recently a harmless-looking paragraph from Washington been going the rounds of the pr of the country. Various organizati including the American Constituti League and the Maryland League for State Defense, and incidental the National Association Opposed Woman Suffrage and the National sociation Opposed to Prohibition, a joined in a drive for a Federal ment to restore the rights of the pe ple" by taking away from legislatures the power hereafter to ratify Federal amendments. Hereafter, they contend a State should be recorded for a Fel eral amendment only after there is a favorable popular vote in the form of a referendum.
seem to be
ocratic, and alluring? Already certain liberal organs of opinion attracted by it. Witness the editorial view of the New York" Tribune." This is the substance of it: There is a steal drift towards more direct democrati action. If the people are to rule, should their rule filter through a leg lature?
If there is one thing in which the wisdom of the fathers in the Constitu tion really shines, it is in the method which they laid down for the adoption of amendments. The Federal Constitu tion virtually provides for a referendum Those who have attended a Com- already by assembly and senatorial dis
mencement at Williams College or a
tricts in every State. Except in these
ses in which a legature acts upon a ederal amendment without an interning election of the legislators, the ttle is fought on every vital issue fore the amendment comes to passage the legislature at all. Thus the rent Suffrage and Prohibition Amendents were determined in public opinn in many hundreds of assembly and natorial districts in every State in e Union before these questions were nally determined in the legislatures of ne commonwealths.
And this method of piecemeal referdum, here a little and there a little, ntil in a majority of these small and eighborly units a decision is reached, a far safer and more sanely demoratic method of obtaining the popular ill upon vital issues than the proposed lan of a single State-wide referendum efore the legislature acts.
Nobody is afraid of the will of the eople in America, provided it is the leliberate will, arrived at after reflecion and accurate information. The nethod of referendum by assembly and enatorial districts which the fathers f the Constitution laid down has the reat merit of giving time for the Popular mind to adjust itself to true nformation and sound principle. It gives time for the sifting out of mere ropagandism for or against an issue. It gives time for deliberate decision.
Every thoughtful person is afraid of the will of the people when it is an mpulsive and unreflective will. The proposed method of a single State-wide eferendum on Federal amendments has -xactly this peril at the heart of it. It ives no-opportunity for the sifting ont f propaganda in small units like the ssembly and senatorial districts, and or the give and take of neighborly rguments extending over a considerale period of time. It gives only opporunity for prejudice and impulse and nisinformation and sentimentality and ll the baser factors which operate pon public opinion to do their damagng work.
It is probable that some of these rganizations which are backing this nnovation against the wisdom of the athers of the Constitution are hoping or an easy way back out of the suf rage and prohibition impasse in which hey find themselves. But the practice 3 far more to be feared as a means of he general employment of the impulive mass mind in America at a period n the history of the world when, above ll others, caution and reflection and dequate information are sheet anchors f democracy.
Those who have long contended that
the free use of the referendum would some day become the urgent demand of the apostles of reaction in this country can find justification for their fears in the present movement. The referendum has its uses, but it should be employed sparingly. It may be employed to good advantage as a club behind the door, when in critical times representative government fails the electorate. But as a regular method of action upon statutory measures or Constitutional amendments, in advance of action by the legislature, it at first stirs the mind of the electorate to function impulsively, the electorate to function impulsively, and if the process is continued too often the popular mind registers negatively on nearly everything, because it tively on nearly everything, because it becomes wearied and does not underbecomes wearied and does not understand. This is the story of the referendum in its flower, for example, in the State of Oregon. Either result, the impulsive or the negative, satisfies reaction better than the calm, deliberate form of referendum now in the Federal Constitution. Beware of the Greeks bearing gifts of freedom to the electorate!
N December 4, Mrs. MacSwiney, widow of Terence MacSwiney, the Lord Mayor of Cork, who died from suicide by starvation in an English prison, arrived in the port of New York. She came on a British liner, and received during the voyage all the courtesy and consideration which the officers of a steamship would naturally extend to any passenger suffering from a personal grief which was at the same time a matter of international moment. She was met in the harbor by a police boat owned by New York City, carrying a large welcoming committee and flying the flags of America and of the so-called Irish Republic.
It is with no lack of sympathy for the personal tragedy in Mrs. MacSwiney's life that The Outlook points out the gross impropriety involved in so employing a public vessel of an American municipality.
The impropriety consists in the fact that those who hoisted the Sinn Fein flag did so not as Americans but as Irishmen. It was no mere generous sympathy with a foreign and down-trodden people which prompted the act. It was the deed of men who placed the advantage of a foreign faction above those National interests confided to them for protection and preservation. It was an act of dissentious partisanship and a dis
grace to the Americanism of those responsible for it.
America has had many similar violations of its fundamental principles at the hands of Irish sympathizers within the last few years. The official welcome which De Valera, the so-called President of the Irish Republic, has received at the hands of many American mayors affords perhaps the most striking and offensive example of a hyphenated Americanism as repugnant to American traditions as anything which pro-Germans promoted in the days before we entered the war. De Valera, claiming that he is waging war upon Great Britain, has been using America as a base for his attacks upon a Power friendly to the United States. While his misguided adherents have been dying on Irish soil, De Valera has violated the hospitality of our shores by uttering, at a safe distance of three thousand miles from the scene of disorder he is endeavoring to create, flamboyant pronunciamentos of a highly objectionable character.
We hope that the next Federal Administration will have the courage to prevent Irish sympathizers from betraying the good name and faith of America.
HE actor was speaking. "I had a great fear the other night. I went on the stage and began thinking of my line beyond the immediate line, and for the life of me I could not remember it. I thought softening of the brain must be my approaching doom. I had been working hard; it was a long run we were having, and my rôle was one of the most exacting of my career. I am not so young as I was, and I saw, as in a terrible vision, my family forced to earn their own living through my sudden incompetence. No stage fright ever equaled my terror. Such a fear had never come over me before. Why should it seize
me now ?"
The Young-Old Philosopher was interested. "Your experience is a universal one, my dear sir," he said. "We all, at one time or another, know these moments of anguish in whatever art we strive to express our poor selves. The writer who wonders if he will ever be able to think of a plot beyond the story he is just finishing is in a similar case with you. The painter who sees only blank canvases staring him in the face in all the future years-how poignant, how sharp, is his anguish! The minister often lies awake nights won
dering if his thoughts for sermons will last him his allotted span. We all suffer through these foolish, these needless fears.
"But the reason is very simple. You did not learn your part by committing to memory the lines four speeches ahead-or even only one speech ahead. You put it in your mind one speech at a time. You played blocks with the manuscript. Then, in some moment when you are nervously tired, your active brain (because you are an artist) races ahead, for all its weariness, and tries to leap hurdles it was never meant to encounter until it came to them. You suddenly wish to know something that doesn't concern you in the least
'My ideas day after to-morrow wil not be those of this morning, so why waste my energy in a sad appraisal a self that will be changed perhaps within the space of twenty-four hours! "One thing at a time-and happi ness. Glimpses ahead-terror! Tak your choice."
THE TURKS ON TRIAL
"THE MUEZZINS STILL CALL THE FAITHFUL TO PRAYER"
UTWARDLY Constantinople seems much the same as before the war. The Sultan still goes to the Mosque on Fridays with the same display of troops, followed by the awed gaze of the Mussulman and the curious glances of the favored foreigners allowed to attend; the howling dervishes and the whirling dervishes still work themselves into frenzy of hypnotic trances to bring themselves into accord with Allah; the muezzins still call the faithful to prayer seven times daily. from the multiple beautiful minarets; Parliament still is held and laws are enacted and the Government has just completed appointments for diplomatic posts after the resumption of relations. with Entente countries; throngs from
BY ELEANOR MARKELL
all parts of the Empire-Greek, Armenian, Anatolian, Syrian-still swarm over Galata Bridge. But all this is outward.
In reality it would be difficult to find a capital of Europe where the war has wrought so complete a change as in that of the Ottoman Empire.
A HORRIBLE MISTAKE DESPITE PROVOCATION
It is the shadow of authority which remains to the Turk in his old capital; the real power rests in the Inter-Allied Commission, whose control is very real and is felt everywhere. When you enter Galata from the old Galata Bridge, it is a British Tommy who is directing the traffic; if you sail up the Bosphorus, it is under French, Italian, and British guns. The real Turkish capital is Angora, where at last a national spirit has developed. Mustapha Kemal Pasha and his party have accomplished what the Young Turks tried and failed to do twelve years ago, namely, to weld together the Turkish nation. Mustapha Kemal Pasha is not a brigand, as he was pictured when the movement was new, but, on the contrary, a patriot who is attempting to save his country from utter disruption.
The effort came into being as a protest against the Greek occupation of Smyrna and its peaceful countryside, with crops just ready to harvest, whose through rail communication with Bagdad offered an opportunity for the shipment of its products to the East, as its water facilities did to the West. Whatever we may believe regarding the destiny of the Greeks or the Turks as the guardians of the eastern Mediterranean, there can be no doubt that the method of Greek occupation of Smyrna was a horrible mistake. Eight
THE HOWLING DERVISHES STILL WORK
hundred Turks were killed outright. many wounded were taken to the waterside and dropped into the water alive, and other atrocities perpetrated That the troops were given provocation cannot be questioned. Many of them had themselves been expelled from their homes in Smyrna and the sur rounding country by these Turks, their places laid waste, and their mothers and wives ravished; and, moreover, shooting was started not by the Greeks but by the Turks, who, concealed the housetops, sniped the officers a the troops marched through the city with their guns unslung.
But the punishment was so horrible and the results so disastrous, with the crops trodden down and ruined, with the Bagdad Railway, their sole link with the East, so destroyed that months would be required to re-establish through communication, besides the shocking loss of life, that the Kemal
ty had little difficulty in getting fol ers to resist the breakup of their pire. Many former Cabinet Minis
fled from Constantinople to Ana and joined the movement, and n the recognized Turkish Governnt in Constantinople favored concilory measures toward the Angora vernment; and it was rumored that Turks would refuse to sign the th warrant of their Empire-the ace Treaty.
it was then that the International mmission stepped in, pressure was ught to bear, a new Ministry favore to the Entente came into power, mal was repudiated, and Tewfik
za Pasha was sent to Paris at the ad of a commission to sign the eaty.
KEMAL, THE TURKS' ONLY HOPE But the question remains: Does the nstantinople Government or that at gora represent the Turkish nation day? In Constantinople I found gment on that question among formers about evenly divided, and there re not lacking Turks, old leaders w out of office, who, while taking no ive part in the movement, were priely willing to admit to me that the y hope for their nation lay in the malist party. That party has already lost, so far as
the cause which brought them into being is concerned. The dismemberment of their Empire is in process. The western coast of Anatolia, including Smyrna, the third most important port of their empire, and Thrace, with its rich tobacco fields, estimated to be capable, under improved methods of agriculture, of raising sufficient revenue to support the Government at Athens, have gone to Greece. Syria, with Cilicia, is already occupied by the French, and Mesopotamia, with its rich oil fields, by the British. Azerbaijan and Georgia, in the Caucasus, have become independ
(C) Underwood & Underwood
ent states. Arabia has broken away, and that Armenia in some form will have an independent existence can hardly be questioned. The Greeks are even now, as I write from Athens, threatening to proceed to Angora itself.
And at the same time the Kemalist movement itself is by no means dead. Turks of all parties, with the exception of the minority which clings to the present Government, realize that their only hope as a nation lies in that movement. Support the present Government," say the Entente," and you shall remain in Constantinople. Repudiate our agreement, and the control at present operative in all but name will become complete." A people numbering seven millions cannot be disposed of so easily.
A FIELD OF INTRIGUE
The ideal solution as one sees it here in the East would have been for America to accept a mandate for the entire Ottoman Empire, administer justice to all of the many races impartially, introduce educational facilities as she has in the Philippines, and when the people had become sufficiently enlightened to decide their own fate, then, and not until then, to allow them so to do by plebiscites.
But America refuses to view this as the ideal solution, and the region about the Mediterranean remains, as it has been through the centuries, the field of intrigue for the Western Powers. No fair-minded outsider can wonder that the chief interest of France is the protection of the Ottoman debt, of Italy the acquiring of commercial advantages, of Britain the securing of the rich oil fields for driving her ships and the protection of the route to India.
Russia, that great potential power in this region, has yet to be reckoned with. It is not to be doubted that some time she will make another try for Constantinople, and when she does will she find in possession of this controlling position the Turk, the Greek, or one of the Western Powers at present exercising international control there?